The
Official Newsletter of the
Prepared by
Volume 10, Number 7, July, 2010

Phyllis Rouse is named ‘Manager
of the Year’
Phyllis Rouse didn’t expect to be named 2010 “Manager of
the Year for Elderly Property” by the Kentucky Housing Corp.-U.S. Department of
Housing and Urban Development.
“I was in shock – total shock – that I won it,” said
Rouse, manager of the Jackson House Apartments and W.B. Sanders Retirement
Center in Paducah. “But I consider it a very, very big honor.”
Rouse works for the Western
Kentucky Senior Citizens Union Labor Housing Corp., the non-profit organization that owns the Jackson-Sanders
facilities, and the organization's boards of directors. Beacon
Properties of Louisville manages the apartment buildings, both
built by union labor.
She received the Manager of the Year award at
the annual Kentucky Housing Corp.-HUD Housing Management Conference in
Rouse has worked at the Jackson House-Sanders Center for
31 years. She has been manager for four years.
“We are extremely proud of Phyllis and the 11 staff
members who work there,” said Benny Adair, Jackson-Sanders board president and
Area Council vice president. "We are proud of her leadership and proud of
the workmanship of the staff.
“Phyllis won this award out of 600 housing authorities.
It is a great award for her, for Beacon and for the staff.”
At the banquet, the state AFL-CIO and the Area Council
gave Rouse a plaque of appreciation "for the good job she is
doing,” Adair said.
Beacon officials also gave the
employees bonuses as tokens of the firm's appreciation.
Rouse started at the Jackson House-Sanders Center as a
social worker. She was a steward for United Food and Commercial Workers Local
227, which represents hourly employees at the two facilities, for 21 years.
“Phyllis’ hard work and the hard work of the staff
make our job easier,” said Adair.
Poison Populism: Rand
Paul’s Tea Party
brew
By BILL LONDRIGAN
President, Kentucky State AFL-CIO
Recent
pronouncements by factions of the
ephemeral Tea Party movement reveal little about where it stands on the rights
of American workers to form and join unions of their choosing without fear of
reprisal, coercion and firing.
The
Tea Party has been silent about the rights of American workers when it comes to
fair wages, benefits and pensions through collective bargaining.
Their
“Contract From America” does not contain a single word about workers’ rights,
union rights, unfair trade, retirement security or workplace safety.
They
have been silent about the rights of workers to form and join unions of their
choosing because these rights belie their true purpose of promoting unregulated
corporate power.
While
some observers have attempted to portray the Tea Party as a populist uprising
against the prevailing powers, traditional populist movements support workers’
right to organize. Questions about where the Tea Party stands on workers’ right
to organize and collectively bargain for better wages and benefits have now
been put to rest – and they are far from any notion of populism!
Tea
Party darling, U.S. Senate Candidate Rand Paul, in his response to questions
about workers’ right to organize confirms that Tea Baggers oppose these rights
(see below). Just as candidate Paul does
not fully support the Civil Rights Act, so too does he stand squarely with
corporate-backed, anti-union forces against the interests of
His
stalwart support of BP Oil, Massey Energy and the “private property rights of
corporations” should be enough for any sensible worker to reject Paul and his
fellow Tea Baggers.
Paul’s
attempt at populism disgraces the legacy of one of Kentucky’s greatest
populists, Governor William Goebel who was assassinated 110 years ago. Goebel was murdered because of his crusade to
reign in the power of the Goldman Sachs, BP’s and Massey Energy’s of the
period: rail, coal and banking barons.
His legislative successes regulating the power of corporations earned
him their scorn but also the admiration of
This
historical digression illustrates the difference between a real Kentucky
populist and the charlatan masquerading as a populist now running for U.S.
Senate. The record must be clear that
populism in
On
the grounds of the Old Capitol in Frankfort where he was assassinated, sits a
monument to Kentucky’s “martyred” Governor William Goebel. Inscribed on the monument are references to
regulatory legislation passed by Goebel while a state senator, as well as
laudatory quotes from notable public figures of the time.
Two
inscriptions stand out as testaments to Goebel’s kinship and undying support
for the rights of workers’ preeminence over capital, including his dying words:
“Tell
my friends to be brave and fearless and loyal to the great common people.”
The
other inscription is a testament to Goebel’s innate understanding of the
struggle between capital and labor:
“The
question is: Are the corporations the masters or servants of the people?”
After
more than a century Goebel’s question remains as relevant today as it was when
robber barons controlled vast wealth and workers and their families
were
dependent on them for employment and survival.
Rand
Paul’s inscriptions would have him telling his friends to be brave, fearless
and loyal to the great corporations and his answer to Goebel’s prescient
entreaty would have been that corporations are our masters.
Paul’s
populist façade falls flat in light of his opposition to the Employee Free
Choice Act which would remove some of the barriers to organizing at the
workplace. Responding to a questionnaire from a recently created anti-union
Republican front group, candidate Paul responded to questions about the
Employee Free Choice Act and its various elements that he opposes all of it.
Candidate
Paul is so vehement in his opposition to the right to organize and bargain
collectively that he answered every single question in opposition to workers’
rights. Plus, he added two handwritten
zingers just to make sure there was no mistaking how he felt about workers’
right to organize and unions in general.
In
addition to opposing all aspects of the proposed Employee Free Choice Act, Paul
wrote that he had the support of the National Right-to-Work Committee, which
seeks to undermine unions by chocking off resources and undermining solidarity
at the workplace. The National
Right-to-Work PAC contributed $2500 to Paul’s U.S. Senate primary campaign – a
sure indicator of Paul’s anti-union philosophy and support for the corporate
sponsored, anti-union agenda.
Paul
didn’t stop there and added the following comment:
“Will
oppose all power grabs aimed at paying off Big Labor.”
Paul’s
reference to “Big Labor” places him squarely in the camp of traditional
anti-union forces who take pains to paint organized labor and its leaders as
bureaucratic, self-serving, and overly powerful.
We
can expect millions more in campaign contributions from groups like the
National Right-to-Work Committee and corporate backed Republican front groups
established by Mitch McConnell’s minions to elect their Tea Party darling, Rand
Paul.
The
message should be clear: if you are not a wealthy shareholder or a corporate
“person,” you have inferior rights – if you are a worker, you are on your own
and you better watch out because “accidents happen.”
Populism
my eye – what Rand Paul and his fellow Tea Baggers are about is the law of the
jungle – no government to mediate between the power of wealth and corporate
influence and the rest of us. Workers of
have
the same rights as corporations.
Corporations: Masters or
servants of the people? You better
decide because Rand Paul already has!
By
“Why is the media so anti-union?”
This old reporter-turned-history-teacher could retire if
he had a dime for every time he’s heard a union brother or sister ask
that question.
Usually they mean Fox News and local newspapers
and TV and radio stations.
Everybody knows Fox News is the Republican Party’s
propaganda ministry. More than a few small town media owners are Fox
fans. But a lot of their anti-union bias is rooted in old-fashioned Rotary
Club-chamber of commerce-style boosterism, which Sinclair Lewis, left, satirized
in Babbitt, his famous 1922 novel.
Most local newspaper publishers and TV and radio station
owners would fit right in with George Babbitt and the other members of the "Good
Citizens' League" branch in "Zenith," Babbitt's Midwestern "hometown."
The Good Citizens battled unions, claiming
"the...American way of settling labor-troubles was for workmen to trust
and love their employers," Lewis wrote. "All of them agreed that the working-classes
must be kept in their place; and all of them perceived that American
Democracy did not imply any equality of wealth, but did demand a wholesome
sameness of thought, dress, painting, morals, and vocabulary."
Generally, the smaller a paper or TV or radio station is,
the greater its bias against unions. Their anti-unionism is sometimes as plain
as their front doors, which are often plastered with decals or stickers proudly
proclaiming chamber membership. The fact that the chamber is openly
pro-business and anti-union apparently doesn’t trouble local media owners about
conflicts of interest.
Like the chamber, almost all small-town
newspaper publishers and TV and radio station owners believe that
what’s best for businesses – including their media businesses, of course –
is best for the community. So local business leaders -- and fellow
Rotarians -- get a lot of ink and on-camera time. They are depicted as “solid
citizens” who are “pillars” in their communities.
On the other hand, union leaders almost never get such
positive press. The president of the local chamber of commerce is in
the paper or on TV or the radio all the time. The president of a local
union almost never is, except when there is a strike.
Reporters commonly call strikes “labor disputes,” not
“labor-management” disputes. “Labor disputes” implies, on purpose on not, that
unions are solely to blame for work stoppages.
Strike stories seldom focus on why workers go on
strike. They usually concentrate on how strikes inconvenience the
public.
Therefore, newspaper readers, TV viewers and radio
listeners are led to believe that the public is the innocent victim in “labor
disputes.” Striking workers, no matter how aggrieved, come off as greedy
malcontents who just cause trouble, not only for their employers, but for
everybody.
Part of the bias is rooted in a lack of understanding on
the part of reporters. Not that many small town newshounds even have a
basic idea of how unions and collective bargaining work.
Almost no small-town papers or TV or radio stations
are union. Few reporters have ever been in any kind of union.
Of course, any company's PR department is always
glad to “help” the reporter with skillfully spun news releases.
Like PR staffers, most reporters are middle-class,
college grads. Hence, many reporters naturally sympathize with
management.
Never mind that small town reporters don't make big
bucks. Many of them see themselves as
"professionals," like company flaks, whose station in life
is above that of working stiffs.
Even reporters who consider themselves
"liberal" often stereotype union members as dimwitted, Archie
Bunker-style bigots.
Anyway, good labor reporting is specialized
reporting. Time was, big city daily newspapers recognized that fact and
had full-time labor reporters.
Few do any more. (But large or small, almost all papers
have business pages or sections.)
“Labor reporters knew how unions functioned and why they
existed,” said Bill Londrigan, president of the Kentucky State AFL-CIO. “They
tended to be more balanced in their labor reporting.”
Londrigan added that it’s no accident that labor reporters are all but gone. “It was coincident with the corporatization and concentration of media ownership.”
From AFL-CIO NOW BLOG NEWS
A Tribute to Ironworker Bill Hack—and all U.S. Veterans
By Berry Craig, May 31, 2010
Chester
W. “Bill” Hack had survived bloody air combat and the fiery crash of a B-17
bomber into the
The
Kentuckian was stateside teaching aerial gunnery when he volunteered to fly
combat missions again.
Nazi
fighters and anti-aircraft fire forced Hack’s bomber to crash into the sea on
May 29, 1943. “When we ditched, I was dazed,” said Hack, an 89-year-old retired
member of Ironworkers Local 782 in
But
when I smelled my hair burning, it gave me the strength to live.
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Hack
was barely 22 on the day he came closest to losing his life in World War II. It
was his third mission against the Germans in a big, olive-green, four-engine
bomber the Army Air Force called a “Flying Fortress.” Hack’s plane was
nicknamed “Barrel House Bessie.”
Jeff
Wiggins, a United Steelworker and president of the Paducah-based Western
Kentucky Area Council, AFL-CIO, says “Bill is one of my heroes.”
“He
fought for our freedom in Europe in World War II, and he fought for the freedom
of working people to be able to earn a good living in our country.”
In
1997, Hack received the W.C. Young Award, the highest honor the council
bestows. Hack represented his local on the council for many years.
Hack
worked for 53 years out of Local 782 and ultimately became the union’s business
manager. He says he fought for unions in
Hack’s
first job was in a nonunion shop.
There
were very harsh rules. I was just a teenager, but I ran a machine for twelve
and a half cents an hour. I couldn’t leave that machine to go to the bathroom
without them writing down what time I left and when I came out. They worked me
twelve hours a day, six days a week. It made me think something had to be done
about such matters.
Hack
moved on to work for Chrysler Motors. He eagerly joined the UAW and
participated in the drive that organized the giant auto company in 1937,
shortly after General Motors went union. He became a UAW member and a labor
activist at age 16. “I needed a job, so I got a phony birth certificate that
said I was 18,” he recalled with a grin.
After
he’d clock out at Chrysler, Hack would go to the Ford plants and help his UAW
brothers and sisters struggling for recognition. Henry Ford was bitterly
anti-union. He hired a private army to keep the UAW out.
I
went out there and fought the police and the strikebreakers. I know what it’s
like to have to fight for decent wages and working conditions.
Ford
didn’t accept the UAW until 1941, the year the
When
Staff Sgt. Hack flew with the 305th,
On
the St. Nazaire raid, Hack was Bessie’s right waist gunner, manning a
50-caliber machine gun about halfway along the B-17’s pudgy, round fuselage. He
was filling in for a gunner killed in action. He usually flew in another bomber
dubbed “Me and My Gal.”
Messerschmitt
109 and Focke-Wulf 190 fighters riddled Bessie and the other lumbering B-17s,
shooting some of them down. A 20-millimeter cannon shell tore through the
fuselage, missing Hack’s head by inches and slicing his oxygen line in two.
When he reached down for his metal emergency bottle, another shell blew it up
in his hands.
The
left waist gunner plugged Hack into his emergency bottle, but his comfort was
fleeting. Flak over St. Nazaire destroyed more B-17s and riddled Bessie’s
number two engine, setting it ablaze. The B-17 nosed into what seemed to be a
death dive—”from 28,000 feet to about 500 feet before the pilot and co-pilot
were able to pull us out,” Hack said.
The
dive put out the engine fire.
After
the pilots righted the plane, Hack dragged the unconscious tail gunner to the
radio room. He took over the twin 50-caliber machine guns, the stinger in
Bessie’s tail.
Limping
on three engines, Bessie was easy prey for German fighters. A pair of
Messerschmitts jumped the B-17 about 100 miles from
Hack
fired at the Nazi planes, which turned tail. He could hardly believe he chased
them away—and, in fact, he didn’t.
I
looked up and saw a flight of British Spitfires. Those Spitfires were the most
beautiful airplanes I ever saw.
Even
so, Bessie didn’t make it home. The pilots had to ditch her about 50 miles from
Bessie
hit the sea hard. The impact hurled Hack and another crewman through an
aluminum door into the empty bomb bay, which burst into flames.
Hack
splashed sea water on his burning face and hair, dousing the fire. Stunned,
bruised and bleeding, he managed to flee Bessie before she sank. “Fire was
spreading all over the water,” Hack said.
He
swam through the blazing high-octane fuel to reach a life raft. It had been
shot full of holes and couldn’t be fully inflated.
Hack
and eight other crewmen—all of them wounded—were hanging on to the sides of the
dinghy when a British seaplane arrived to rescue them. But the channel was too
rough for a landing, and the flying boat turned back.
At
the same time, Hack and the other fliers watched helplessly as the tail
gunner’s lifeless body floated farther away. “His name was Ralph Erwin,” Hack
said softly.
Meanwhile,
Bessie’s crew faced another peril. “Hypothermia,” Hack said. “They told me that
even in May the
Hack
and his crewmates were in the water for about 90 minutes before a British
rescue boat saved them. The fliers asked the captain to retrieve Erwin’s body.
“…But he said we had to leave him because of the danger of enemy air attacks,”
Hack said. “So we left Ralph, and he floated away into oblivion.”
Hack
logged 22 more missions, including the Eighth Air Force’s famous first raid on
Staff
Sgt. Hack moved back to
The media's enduring,
and understandable, fascination with the Tea Party movement continues unabated,
as this weekend's coverage demonstrates. Unfortunately, what appear to be false
notions of objectivity—or perhaps a lack of interest in policy—is preventing
that coverage from illuminating what the movement actually represents and what
it would do if empowered.
Case in point: the
Associated Press just published a
2,300-word stemwinder
examining how and why a variety of individuals became involved in the Tea Party
movement without once asking what precisely the platform consists of. It tells
you the back stories of representative Tea Partiers, dutifully quotes their
antipathy toward government, taxes, and deficit spending, and their horror at
the accusation that they are motivated by racial animus. But the reporter seems
never to have posed any serious questions about what tradeoffs they would make
to achieve their stated goals.
There are only two
ways to balance a budget in the red: raising taxes, which Tea Partiers
vehemently oppose, and cutting spending. But what spending should be cut?
Defense and veterans spending, which accounts for 54 percent of the federal budget?
It would be pretty hard to merge that with the Republicans' foreign-policy-hawk
wing. Entitlement spending such as Social Security and Medicare? Good luck
winning elections with that platform. Discretionary domestic spending is the
favorite target of fiscal conservatives. But when it comes to specifics,
suddenly every program seems worthier than when demonized in the collective
abstract. Which politician wants to cut spending on Homeland Security?
Education for students with special needs? (Surely not Sarah
Palin!)
"Concerned
Americans trying to find their voices, and a way to channel their
disgust," the AP earnestly reports. "To hear what motivates them is
to begin to understand what's going on in American politics in 2010." But
what if what motivates them is ignorance? A CBS/New York Times poll showed that 44 percent of
Tea Partiers believe their taxes have gone up under President Obama, and only 2
percent believed they have gone down, even though, in fact, Obama
has cut taxes.
Might that be worth bringing to bear? Maybe we should even ask the Tea Partiers
whether they are aware of the reality on taxes and if that changes their views?
Likewise, a University
of Washington poll found Tea Partiers to
be roughly twice as likely to have negative attitudes about African-Americans
and immigrants as the general population. Might it be possible that the Tea
Partiers who profess no racial motivation are, let's say, not entirely aware of
their own visceral motivations? I'm sure if you asked the Southern voters who
switched to Republican voting habits why they did so, many would say race had
nothing to do with it. But why should journalists take that at face value?
Isn't it more effective to interrogate Tea Partiers' views on race and where
they might meet their stated concerns about, say, welfare or health care, than
to just ask, "Hey, are you racist? No? OK, great. Thanks."
A terrific example of
the contradictions and incoherence plaguing the Tea Party movement's platform,
and the free ride they get from much of the media is epitomized by CNN's
item
on radio-talk-show host Mark Williams giving up his role as the chairman of the
Tea Party Express. Williams wants to focus on two activist crusades, CNN
reports: opposing the construction of a mosque near the site of Ground Zero in
This strikes me as a
very curious pair of causes for a leader of a movement dedicated to preventing
government activism. If the government selectively asserts aggressive land-use
regulation to prevent the construction of socially disfavored buildings, is
that not a paradigmatic example of big-government market distortion? Would
Williams support denying permits to an otherwise zoning-law-compliant church or
synagogue near Ground Zero? And, as conservative commentator Matthew Lewis
points out, shouldn't conservatives be opposed to laws that empower the
government to stop and harass citizens and legal residents?
The closer you look,
the more the Tea Party just looks like any other right-wing populist movement:
it is motivated by fear of immigration, fear of new religious modes of
expression, racial resentments, opposition to gay rights, and claims about
taxes and spending that often don't add up under scrutiny. Isn't it time that
we stopped treating the Tea Partiers like a curious sociological phenomenon and
starting holding them to the same standards we should hold all mainstream
politicians to?
Copies of Berry Craig's book are still available
We still have a few copies of True Tales of Old-Time Kentucky Politics: Bombast, Bourbon and Burgoo are still available as fund-raisers for the 2010 Labor Day Program. The books sell for $23.20, which includes postage and handling. They are available from Craig, the council recording secretary and newsletter editor, at bcraig8960@newwavecomm.net or by calling Frances Willey, Western Kentucky Labor Day Committee treasurer, at (270) 554-1627. All proceeds go to the Labor Day Committee.
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Citations: Photo of Sinclair Lewis: Wikimedia.org - http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/0a/Sinclair_Lewis_1930.jpg
Bill Hack photo courtesy of Bill Hack.