The Western Kentucky Worker

Official Newsletter of the Western Kentucky Area Council, AFL-CIO

Prepared by Berry Craig, AFT Local 6010 and KEA-NEA

Volume 10, Number 7, July, 2010

 

Phyllis Rouse -Manager of the Year

  

Phyllis Rouse is named ‘Manager of the Year’

 

Phyllis Rouse didn’t expect to be named 2010 “Manager of the Year for Elderly Property” by the Kentucky Housing Corp.-U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.

 

“I was in shock – total shock – that I won it,” said Rouse, manager of the Jackson House Apartments and W.B. Sanders Retirement Center in Paducah. “But I consider it a very, very big honor.”

 

Rouse works for the Western Kentucky Senior Citizens Union Labor Housing Corp., the non-profit organization that owns the Jackson-Sanders facilities, and the organization's boards of directors. Beacon Properties of Louisville manages the apartment buildings, both built by union labor.

 

She received the Manager of the Year award at the annual Kentucky Housing Corp.-HUD Housing Management Conference in Louisville in May. She was honored in June at a Paducah dinner hosted by Beacon Properties.

 

Rouse has worked at the Jackson House-Sanders Center for 31 years. She has been manager for four years.

 

“We are extremely proud of Phyllis and the 11 staff members who work there,” said Benny Adair, Jackson-Sanders board president and Area Council vice president. "We are proud of her leadership and proud of the workmanship of the staff.

 

“Phyllis won this award out of 600 housing authorities. It is a great award for her, for Beacon and for the staff.”

 

At the banquet, the state AFL-CIO and the Area Council gave Rouse a plaque of appreciation "for the good job she is doing,” Adair said. 

 

Beacon officials also gave the employees bonuses as tokens of the firm's appreciation.

 

Rouse started at the Jackson House-Sanders Center as a social worker. She was a steward for United Food and Commercial Workers Local 227, which represents hourly employees at the two facilities, for 21 years.

 

“Phyllis’ hard work and the hard work of the staff make our job easier,” said Adair.

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Poison Populism: Rand Paul’s Tea Party Rand Paul - KY Tea Party candidate for US Senatebrew

       By BILL LONDRIGAN

President, Kentucky State AFL-CIO

 

Recent pronouncements by   factions of the ephemeral Tea Party movement reveal little about where it stands on the rights of American workers to form and join unions of their choosing without fear of reprisal, coercion and firing.

 

The Tea Party has been silent about the rights of American workers when it comes to fair wages, benefits and pensions through collective bargaining.

 

Their “Contract From America” does not contain a single word about workers’ rights, union rights, unfair trade, retirement security or workplace safety.

 

They have been silent about the rights of workers to form and join unions of their choosing because these rights belie their true purpose of promoting unregulated corporate power.

 

While some observers have attempted to portray the Tea Party as a populist uprising against the prevailing powers, traditional populist movements support workers’ right to organize. Questions about where the Tea Party stands on workers’ right to organize and collectively bargain for better wages and benefits have now been put to rest – and they are far from any notion of populism!

 

Tea Party darling, U.S. Senate Candidate Rand Paul, in his response to questions about workers’ right to organize confirms that Tea Baggers oppose these rights (see below).  Just as candidate Paul does not fully support the Civil Rights Act, so too does he stand squarely with corporate-backed, anti-union forces against the interests of America’s working men and women.

 

His stalwart support of BP Oil, Massey Energy and the “private property rights of corporations” should be enough for any sensible worker to reject Paul and his fellow Tea Baggers.

 

Paul’s attempt at populism disgraces the legacy of one of Kentucky’s greatest populists, Governor William Goebel who was assassinated 110 years ago.  Goebel was murdered because of his crusade to reign in the power of the Goldman Sachs, BP’s and Massey Energy’s of the period: rail, coal and banking barons.  His legislative successes regulating the power of corporations earned him their scorn but also the admiration of Kentucky’s workers.

 

This historical digression illustrates the difference between a real Kentucky populist and the charlatan masquerading as a populist now running for U.S. Senate.  The record must be clear that populism in Kentucky has a long and powerful influence on the people, culture and politics of the Commonwealth.

 

On the grounds of the Old Capitol in Frankfort where he was assassinated, sits a monument to Kentucky’s “martyred” Governor William Goebel.  Inscribed on the monument are references to regulatory legislation passed by Goebel while a state senator, as well as laudatory quotes from notable public figures of the time.

 

Two inscriptions stand out as testaments to Goebel’s kinship and undying support for the rights of workers’ preeminence over capital, including his dying words:

 

“Tell my friends to be brave and fearless and loyal to the great common people.”

 

The other inscription is a testament to Goebel’s innate understanding of the struggle between capital and labor:

 

“The question is: Are the corporations the masters or servants of the people?”

 

After more than a century Goebel’s question remains as relevant today as it was when robber barons controlled vast wealth and workers and their families

were dependent on them for employment and survival.  

 

Rand Paul’s inscriptions would have him telling his friends to be brave, fearless and loyal to the great corporations and his answer to Goebel’s prescient entreaty would have been that corporations are our masters.

 

Paul’s populist façade falls flat in light of his opposition to the Employee Free Choice Act which would remove some of the barriers to organizing at the workplace. Responding to a questionnaire from a recently created anti-union Republican front group, candidate Paul responded to questions about the Employee Free Choice Act and its various elements that he opposes all of it.

 

Candidate Paul is so vehement in his opposition to the right to organize and bargain collectively that he answered every single question in opposition to workers’ rights.  Plus, he added two handwritten zingers just to make sure there was no mistaking how he felt about workers’ right to organize and unions in general.

 

In addition to opposing all aspects of the proposed Employee Free Choice Act, Paul wrote that he had the support of the National Right-to-Work Committee, which seeks to undermine unions by chocking off resources and undermining solidarity at the workplace.  The National Right-to-Work PAC contributed $2500 to Paul’s U.S. Senate primary campaign – a sure indicator of Paul’s anti-union philosophy and support for the corporate sponsored, anti-union agenda.

 

Paul didn’t stop there and added the following comment:

 

“Will oppose all power grabs aimed at paying off Big Labor.” 

 

Paul’s reference to “Big Labor” places him squarely in the camp of traditional anti-union forces who take pains to paint organized labor and its leaders as bureaucratic, self-serving, and overly powerful. 

 

We can expect millions more in campaign contributions from groups like the National Right-to-Work Committee and corporate backed Republican front groups established by Mitch McConnell’s minions to elect their Tea Party darling, Rand Paul. 

 

The message should be clear: if you are not a wealthy shareholder or a corporate “person,” you have inferior rights – if you are a worker, you are on your own and you better watch out because “accidents happen.” 

 

Populism my eye – what Rand Paul and his fellow Tea Baggers are about is the law of the jungle – no government to mediate between the power of wealth and corporate influence and the rest of us.  Workers of Kentucky beware – Rand Paul is not on your side – Paul does not believe you have the unfettered right to freely choose a union at your workplace – Paul does not believe you

have the same rights as corporations.

  

Corporations: Masters or servants of the people?  You better decide because Rand Paul already has!   

 

 

 Union members ask: ‘Why is the media so anti-union?’

By BERRY CRAIG

“Why is the media so anti-union?”

 

This old reporter-turned-history-teacher could retire if he had a dime for every time he’s heard a union brother or sister ask that question. 

 

Usually they mean Fox News and local newspapers and TV and radio stations.

 

Sinclair Lewis 1930Everybody knows Fox News is the Republican Party’s propaganda ministry. More than a few small town media owners are Fox fans. But a lot of their anti-union bias is rooted in old-fashioned Rotary Club-chamber of commerce-style boosterism, which Sinclair Lewis, left, satirized in Babbitt, his famous 1922 novel.

 

Most local newspaper publishers and TV and radio station owners would fit right in with George Babbitt and the other members of the "Good Citizens' League" branch in "Zenith," Babbitt's Midwestern "hometown."

 

The Good Citizens battled unions, claiming "the...American way of settling labor-troubles was for workmen to trust and love their employers," Lewis wrote. "All of them agreed that the working-classes must be kept in their place; and all of them perceived that American Democracy did not imply any equality of wealth, but did demand a wholesome sameness of thought, dress, painting, morals, and vocabulary."

 

Generally, the smaller a paper or TV or radio station is, the greater its bias against unions. Their anti-unionism is sometimes as plain as their front doors, which are often plastered with decals or stickers proudly proclaiming chamber membership. The fact that the chamber is openly pro-business and anti-union apparently doesn’t trouble local media owners about conflicts of interest.

 

Like the chamber, almost all small-town newspaper publishers and TV and radio station owners believe that what’s best for businesses – including their media businesses, of course – is best for the community. So local business leaders -- and fellow Rotarians -- get a lot of ink and on-camera time. They are depicted as “solid citizens” who are “pillars” in their communities.

 

On the other hand, union leaders almost never get such positive press. The president of the local chamber of commerce is in the paper or on TV or the radio all the time. The president of a local union almost never is, except when there is a strike.

 

Reporters commonly call strikes “labor disputes,” not “labor-management” disputes. “Labor disputes” implies, on purpose on not, that unions are solely to blame for work stoppages.

 

Strike stories seldom focus on why workers go on strike. They usually concentrate on how strikes inconvenience the public.

 

Therefore, newspaper readers, TV viewers and radio listeners are led to believe that the public is the innocent victim in “labor disputes.” Striking workers, no matter how aggrieved, come off as greedy malcontents who just cause trouble, not only for their employers, but for everybody.

 

Part of the bias is rooted in a lack of understanding on the part of reporters. Not that many small town newshounds even have a basic idea of how unions and collective bargaining work.

 

Almost no small-town papers or TV or radio stations are union. Few reporters have ever been in any kind of union.

 

Of course, any company's PR department is always glad to “help” the reporter with skillfully spun news releases.

 

Like PR staffers, most reporters are middle-class, college grads. Hence, many reporters naturally sympathize with management.

 

Never mind that small town reporters don't make big bucks. Many of them see themselves as "professionals," like company flaks, whose station in life is above that of working stiffs.

 

Even reporters who consider themselves "liberal" often stereotype union members as dimwitted, Archie Bunker-style bigots.

 

Anyway, good labor reporting is specialized reporting. Time was, big city daily newspapers recognized that fact and had full-time labor reporters.

 

Few do any more. (But large or small, almost all papers have business pages or sections.)

 

“Labor reporters knew how unions functioned and why they existed,” said Bill Londrigan, president of the Kentucky State AFL-CIO. “They tended to be more balanced in their labor reporting.”

 

Londrigan added that it’s no accident that labor reporters are all but gone. “It was coincident with the corporatization and concentration of media ownership.”   

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From AFL-CIO NOW BLOG NEWS

A Tribute to Ironworker Bill Hack—and all U.S. Veterans

By Berry Craig, May 31, 2010

Chester W. “Bill” Hack had survived bloody air combat and the fiery crash of a B-17 bomber into the English Channel.

 

The Kentuckian was stateside teaching aerial gunnery when he volunteered to fly combat missions again.

 

Nazi fighters and anti-aircraft fire forced Hack’s bomber to crash into the sea on May 29, 1943. “When we ditched, I was dazed,” said Hack, an 89-year-old retired member of Ironworkers Local 782 in Paducah, Ky.

But when I smelled my hair burning, it gave me the strength to live.

 

Photo courtesy Bill Hack with WW II medals

 

 

World War II combat veteran and dedicated union member Bill Hack.

 

 

 

 

Hack was barely 22 on the day he came closest to losing his life in World War II. It was his third mission against the Germans in a big, olive-green, four-engine bomber the Army Air Force called a “Flying Fortress.” Hack’s plane was nicknamed “Barrel House Bessie.”

 

Jeff Wiggins, a United Steelworker and president of the Paducah-based Western Kentucky Area Council, AFL-CIO, says “Bill is one of my heroes.”

 

“He fought for our freedom in Europe in World War II, and he fought for the freedom of working people to be able to earn a good living in our country.”

 

In 1997, Hack received the W.C. Young Award, the highest honor the council bestows. Hack represented his local on the council for many years.

 

Hack worked for 53 years out of Local 782 and ultimately became the union’s business manager. He says he fought for unions in Detroit before he fought for his country in Europe. Like many Kentucky families, the Hacks of Paducah migrated to the Motor City in the 1930s, seeking employment.

 

Hack’s first job was in a nonunion shop.

 

There were very harsh rules. I was just a teenager, but I ran a machine for twelve and a half cents an hour. I couldn’t leave that machine to go to the bathroom without them writing down what time I left and when I came out. They worked me twelve hours a day, six days a week. It made me think something had to be done about such matters.

 

Hack moved on to work for Chrysler Motors. He eagerly joined the UAW and participated in the drive that organized the giant auto company in 1937, shortly after General Motors went union. He became a UAW member and a labor activist at age 16. “I needed a job, so I got a phony birth certificate that said I was 18,” he recalled with a grin.

 

After he’d clock out at Chrysler, Hack would go to the Ford plants and help his UAW brothers and sisters struggling for recognition. Henry Ford was bitterly anti-union. He hired a private army to keep the UAW out.

I went out there and fought the police and the strikebreakers. I know what it’s like to have to fight for decent wages and working conditions.

 

Ford didn’t accept the UAW until 1941, the year the United States entered World War II. Drafted in 1942, Hack ended up an aerial gunner with the Chelveston, England-based 305th “Can Do” Bomb Group. The group’s target on May 29, 1943, was the heavily fortified German submarine base at St. Nazaire, France, on the Atlantic Ocean

 

When Staff Sgt. Hack flew with the 305th, U.S. heavy bomber crews—usually 10 men per plane—had to complete 25 missions before they could go home. A flier’s chance of reaching the magic number was one in three, he said.

On the St. Nazaire raid, Hack was Bessie’s right waist gunner, manning a 50-caliber machine gun about halfway along the B-17’s pudgy, round fuselage. He was filling in for a gunner killed in action. He usually flew in another bomber dubbed “Me and My Gal.”

 

Messerschmitt 109 and Focke-Wulf 190 fighters riddled Bessie and the other lumbering B-17s, shooting some of them down. A 20-millimeter cannon shell tore through the fuselage, missing Hack’s head by inches and slicing his oxygen line in two. When he reached down for his metal emergency bottle, another shell blew it up in his hands.

 

The left waist gunner plugged Hack into his emergency bottle, but his comfort was fleeting. Flak over St. Nazaire destroyed more B-17s and riddled Bessie’s number two engine, setting it ablaze. The B-17 nosed into what seemed to be a death dive—”from 28,000 feet to about 500 feet before the pilot and co-pilot were able to pull us out,” Hack said.

 

The dive put out the engine fire.

 

After the pilots righted the plane, Hack dragged the unconscious tail gunner to the radio room. He took over the twin 50-caliber machine guns, the stinger in Bessie’s tail.

 

Limping on three engines, Bessie was easy prey for German fighters. A pair of Messerschmitts jumped the B-17 about 100 miles from England.

 

Hack fired at the Nazi planes, which turned tail. He could hardly believe he chased them away—and, in fact, he didn’t.

 

I looked up and saw a flight of British Spitfires. Those Spitfires were the most beautiful airplanes I ever saw.

 

Even so, Bessie didn’t make it home. The pilots had to ditch her about 50 miles from England. While they brought the plane down, the rest of the crew braced themselves in the radio room.

 

Bessie hit the sea hard. The impact hurled Hack and another crewman through an aluminum door into the empty bomb bay, which burst into flames.

 

Hack splashed sea water on his burning face and hair, dousing the fire. Stunned, bruised and bleeding, he managed to flee Bessie before she sank. “Fire was spreading all over the water,” Hack said.

 

He swam through the blazing high-octane fuel to reach a life raft. It had been shot full of holes and couldn’t be fully inflated.

 

Hack and eight other crewmen—all of them wounded—were hanging on to the sides of the dinghy when a British seaplane arrived to rescue them. But the channel was too rough for a landing, and the flying boat turned back.

 

At the same time, Hack and the other fliers watched helplessly as the tail gunner’s lifeless body floated farther away. “His name was Ralph Erwin,” Hack said softly.

 

Meanwhile, Bessie’s crew faced another peril. “Hypothermia,” Hack said. “They told me that even in May the English Channel is usually around 48 degrees.”

 

Hack and his crewmates were in the water for about 90 minutes before a British rescue boat saved them. The fliers asked the captain to retrieve Erwin’s body. “…But he said we had to leave him because of the danger of enemy air attacks,” Hack said. “So we left Ralph, and he floated away into oblivion.”

 

Hack logged 22 more missions, including the Eighth Air Force’s famous first raid on Schweinfurt and Regensburg, Germany, one of the bloodiest air battles of the war. He returned to air combat in early 1945 and flew four more missions before the war in Europe ended.

 

Staff Sgt. Hack moved back to Paducah after he was discharged. His service to his earned him a Distinguished Flying Cross, a Purple Heart, four Air Medals and two Presidential Unit Citations.

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From Newsweek

Why Doesn't the Media Interrogate Tea Partiers' Beliefs?

 

The media's enduring, and understandable, fascination with the Tea Party movement continues unabated, as this weekend's coverage demonstrates. Unfortunately, what appear to be false notions of objectivity—or perhaps a lack of interest in policy—is preventing that coverage from illuminating what the movement actually represents and what it would do if empowered.

 

Case in point: the Associated Press just published a 2,300-word stemwinder examining how and why a variety of individuals became involved in the Tea Party movement without once asking what precisely the platform consists of. It tells you the back stories of representative Tea Partiers, dutifully quotes their antipathy toward government, taxes, and deficit spending, and their horror at the accusation that they are motivated by racial animus. But the reporter seems never to have posed any serious questions about what tradeoffs they would make to achieve their stated goals.

 

There are only two ways to balance a budget in the red: raising taxes, which Tea Partiers vehemently oppose, and cutting spending. But what spending should be cut? Defense and veterans spending, which accounts for 54 percent of the federal budget? It would be pretty hard to merge that with the Republicans' foreign-policy-hawk wing. Entitlement spending such as Social Security and Medicare? Good luck winning elections with that platform. Discretionary domestic spending is the favorite target of fiscal conservatives. But when it comes to specifics, suddenly every program seems worthier than when demonized in the collective abstract. Which politician wants to cut spending on Homeland Security? Education for students with special needs? (Surely not Sarah Palin!)

 

"Concerned Americans trying to find their voices, and a way to channel their disgust," the AP earnestly reports. "To hear what motivates them is to begin to understand what's going on in American politics in 2010." But what if what motivates them is ignorance? A CBS/New York Times poll showed that 44 percent of Tea Partiers believe their taxes have gone up under President Obama, and only 2 percent believed they have gone down, even though, in fact, Obama has cut taxes. Might that be worth bringing to bear? Maybe we should even ask the Tea Partiers whether they are aware of the reality on taxes and if that changes their views?

 

Likewise, a University of Washington poll found Tea Partiers to be roughly twice as likely to have negative attitudes about African-Americans and immigrants as the general population. Might it be possible that the Tea Partiers who profess no racial motivation are, let's say, not entirely aware of their own visceral motivations? I'm sure if you asked the Southern voters who switched to Republican voting habits why they did so, many would say race had nothing to do with it. But why should journalists take that at face value? Isn't it more effective to interrogate Tea Partiers' views on race and where they might meet their stated concerns about, say, welfare or health care, than to just ask, "Hey, are you racist? No? OK, great. Thanks."

 

A terrific example of the contradictions and incoherence plaguing the Tea Party movement's platform, and the free ride they get from much of the media is epitomized by CNN's item on radio-talk-show host Mark Williams giving up his role as the chairman of the Tea Party Express. Williams wants to focus on two activist crusades, CNN reports: opposing the construction of a mosque near the site of Ground Zero in New York and "leading a recall effort against some members of the Sacramento City Council and running for a spot on the local body himself after the council voted to boycott Arizona over its new immigration law."

 

This strikes me as a very curious pair of causes for a leader of a movement dedicated to preventing government activism. If the government selectively asserts aggressive land-use regulation to prevent the construction of socially disfavored buildings, is that not a paradigmatic example of big-government market distortion? Would Williams support denying permits to an otherwise zoning-law-compliant church or synagogue near Ground Zero? And, as conservative commentator Matthew Lewis points out, shouldn't conservatives be opposed to laws that empower the government to stop and harass citizens and legal residents?

 

The closer you look, the more the Tea Party just looks like any other right-wing populist movement: it is motivated by fear of immigration, fear of new religious modes of expression, racial resentments, opposition to gay rights, and claims about taxes and spending that often don't add up under scrutiny. Isn't it time that we stopped treating the Tea Partiers like a curious sociological phenomenon and starting holding them to the same standards we should hold all mainstream politicians to? 

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Copies of Berry Craig's book are still available

We still have a few copies of True Tales of Old-Time Kentucky Politics: Bombast, Bourbon and Burgoo are still available as fund-raisers for the 2010 Labor Day Program. The books sell for $23.20, which includes postage and handling. They are available from Craig, the council recording secretary and newsletter editor, at bcraig8960@newwavecomm.net or by calling Frances Willey, Western Kentucky Labor Day Committee treasurer, at (270) 554-1627. All proceeds go to the Labor Day Committee.

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Citations: Photo of Sinclair Lewis: Wikimedia.org - http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/0a/Sinclair_Lewis_1930.jpg
Bill Hack photo courtesy of Bill Hack.